Monday, May 25, 2020

Filipino Politician and President Rodrigo Duterte

Roderigo Roa Duterte (born March 28, 1945) is a Filipino politician, and the 16th president of the Philippines, elected by a landslide on May 9, 2016.   Fast Facts: Rodrigo Roa Duterte Also Known As: Digong, RodyBorn: March 28, 1945, Maasin, PhilippinesParents: Vicente and Soledad Rao DuterteEducation: Law degree Lyceum of the Philippines UniversityExperience: Mayor of Davao City, 1988–2016; President of the Phillippines 2016–present.Spouse: Elizabeth Zimmerman (wife, 1973–2000), Cielito Honeylet Avanceà ±a (partner, mid-1990s to present)  Children: 4Famous Quote: Forget the laws on human rights. If I make it to the presidential palace, I will do just what I did as mayor. You drug pushers, hold-up men and do-nothings, you better go out. Because Id kill you. Ill dump all of you into Manila Bay, and fatten all the fish there. Early Life Rodrigo Roa Duterte (also known as Digong and Rody) was born in the town of Maasin, in Southern Leyte, the eldest son of local politician Vicente Duterte (1911–1968), and Soledad Roa (1916–2012), a teacher and activist. He and two sisters (Jocellyn and Eleanor) and two brothers (Benjamin and Emmanuel) moved to Davao City when their father was made the governor of the now-defunct Davao province.   Education He attended high school at the Ateneo de Davao, where he has said he was a victim of sexual abuse by Rev. Mark Falvey, an American Jesuit priest who died in California in 1975—in 2007, nine of his American victims were paid $16 million by the Jesuit church for Falveys abuse. Duterte was expelled from school for retaliating against another priest by filling a squirt gun with ink and spraying the priests white cassock. He skipped classes and has told audiences that it took him seven years to finish high school.   According to his own report, Duterte and his siblings were frequently beaten by his parents. He began carrying a gun at the age of 15. Despite the hardships and chaos of his younger life, Duterte studied political science at the Lyceum of the Philippines University, obtaining a law degree in 1968.   Marriage and Family In 1973, Duterte eloped with Elizabeth Zimmerman, a former flight attendant. They have three children Paolo, Sara, and Sebastian. That marriage was annulled in 2000.   He met Cielito Honeylet Avanceà ±a in the mid-1990s, and he considers her his second wife, although they have not married. They have one daughter, Veronica. Duterte has no official first lady but said during his presidential campaign that he had two wives and two girlfriends.   Political Career After graduation, Duterte practiced law in Davao City, and eventually became a prosecutor. In the mid-1980s, his mother Soledad was a leader in the Yellow Friday Movement against the Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos. After Corazon Aquino became the Philippine leader, she offered Soledad the post of vice-mayor of Davao City. Soledad asked that Rodrigo be given the position instead.   In 1988, Rodrigo Duterte ran for Mayor of Davao City and won, eventually serving seven terms over 22 years. Death Squads When Duterte took over the mayorship of Davao, the city was war-torn, the result of the Philippine Revolution leading to the ouster of Marcos. Duterte established tax breaks and pro-business policies, but at the same time, he founded his first death squad in Davao City in 1988. A small group of police officers and others were selected to hunt down and kill criminals; the membership eventually grew to 500. One of the men who has admitted to being on the squad reported that there were at least 1,400 or more people killed, with their bodies dumped in the sea, the river, or a different city. The man said he received 6,000 pesos for each of the fifty people he personally killed. A second man said he received orders from Duterte to kill at least 200 people, including political rivals, one of whom was journalist and outspoken critic, Jun Pala, in 2009.   Presidential Election On May 9, 2016, Duterte won the Philippine presidential election with 39 percent of the popular vote, far outweighing the four other candidates. During his campaign, he repeatedly promised to bring the practice of extrajudicial killing of drug users and other criminals to the country as a whole, and he has fulfilled that promise.   Social workers and police round up minors at night during curfew on June 8, 2016 in Manila, Philippines. Dondi Tawatao / Getty Images According to the Philippine National Police, from the time he assumed office on June 20, 2016, to January 2017, at least 7,000 Filipinos were killed: 4,000 of them were killed by police and 3,000 by self-described vigilantes. Legacy Human rights groups such as Human Rights Watch and others such as the International Criminal Court, the former U.S. President Barack Obama, and Pope Francis have been vocal in their criticism of Dutertes death squads of suspected drug users and pushers and other criminals.   As a result, Duterte has lashed out at those critics, in what are vulgar and racist terms. However, according to a recent biography by British journalist Jonathan Miller, his supporters call him Duterte Harry (a play on the Clint Eastwood character in the Dirty Harry movies). He currently has at least the tacit support of China and Russia.   In general but not entirely, Duterte is popular in the Philippines. Political journalists and academicians such as American political scientist Alfred McCoy consider Duterte a populist strongman, who like Marcos before him offers a promise of justice and stability, and one who is clearly not subject to the West, in particular, the United States. Sources President Rodrigo Roa Duterte. Ed. Bio, Presidents. Washington DC: Embassy of the Philippines, 2018. Print.Casteix, Joelle. Philippines CA—Ex L.A. priest molested presidential candidate. SNAP Network, December 8, 2015.  Web.Lamb, Kate. Rodrigo Duterte: The President Warlord of the Philippines. The Guardian Nov. 11, 2017. Print.McCoy, Alfred W. Global Populism: A Lineage of Filipino Strongmen from Quezon to Marcos and Duterte. Kasarinlan: Philippine Journal of Third World Studies 32.1–2 (2017): 7–54. Print.McGurk, Rod. Biographer: Animosity toward Us Drives Duterte. Philadelphia Star June 2, 2018. Print.Miller, Jonathan. Rodrigo Duterte: Fire and Fury in the Philippines. London: Scribe Publications, 2018. Print.Paddock, Richard C. Becoming Duterte: The Making of a Philippine Strongman. The New York Times March 21, 2017. Print.

Wednesday, May 6, 2020

Comptoir Des Cotonniers - 6802 Words

AUSTRALIAN MARKET 2010-2011 ------------------------------------------------- TABLE OF CONTENT Introduction †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..p3 I. Internal Analysis†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦p4 2.1. SWOT Analysis†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..p5 2.2. The Ansoff matrix: Product/Market Strategies†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.p8 2.3. Key Factors Analysis†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦p10 2.4. The Value Chain (Porter)†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.†¦.†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..p11 II. External Analysis†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦p12 3.5. Market segmentation†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.†¦.†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.p13 3.6. Products to be exported†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.p14 3.7. Competition†¦show more content†¦Appendix 1: ‘Kapferrer Brand Identity Prism’) | * Innovative marketing concept focuses on mother-daughter relationship (initial success): clothes that appeal to daughter and mother * Strong brand image (French fashion, elegance, chic), identity (authenticity, naturalness, proximity) and positioning * Close relationship with its customers: | * Get prisoner of its brand image and become old fashioned (as Lacoste) | Ressources commerciales * Product * Price * Place * Promotion | * Quality products, innovative amp; creative, fashion, chic, classic, modern * Large range (230 articles/collection) * New collections (kids, underwear) * Collections tested by designers before * Price scale (target more people) *Show MoreRelatedPresentation Marketing the Kooples1030 Words   |  5 Pages 13   octobre   2010    De   Villepin   - ­Ã¢â‚¬    Gutharc   - ­Ã¢â‚¬    Mar8ni    1    Sommaire    ï‚ §Ã¢â‚¬ ¯ La   naissance   du   concept    ï‚ §Ã¢â‚¬ ¯ Le   marchà ©   :   cible   et   concurrents    ï‚ §Ã¢â‚¬ ¯ Le   marke6ng   mix    ï‚ §Ã¢â‚¬ ¯ Forces   et   faiblesses    ï‚ §Ã¢â‚¬ ¯ Conclusion   et   recommanda6ons    13   octobre   2010    De   Villepin   - ­Ã¢â‚¬    Gutharc   - ­Ã¢â‚¬    Mar8ni    2    Une   histoire   de   famille    - ­Ã¢â‚¬    1972 Read MoreUniqlo Annual Report21563 Words   |  87 PagesChairman, President CEO Our Group UNIQLO business Business model Products Production Stores People Overseas activities 6 11 14 14 16 18 20 22 23 CSR Corporate history Financial section Investor information Corporate information MA strategy COMPTOIR DES COTONNIERS FOOT PARK Theory 24 25 26 27 28 30 32 54 55 It all started here The origin of our â€Å"anybody, anywhere, everyday† concept At UNIQLO, our goal is to offer casual wear that can be worn by anybody, anywhere, everyday. This basic concept hasRead MoreTaking a Look at UNIQLO514 Words   |  2 Pagesevolutionary garments such as Heat-Tech and the Ultra-Light Down, which have contributed in gaining a reputable image for the retailer within the world of fashion. Current State of Retailer Fast Retailing Group owns UNIQLO, GU, Theory, Comptoir des Cotonniers, Princesse tam.tam., Helmut Lang and J Brand. In 2014, UNIQLO is celebrating their 30th Anniversary. They are currently ranked among the top five global retailers, joining Inditex (ZARA), HM, GAP and Limited Brands (Figure 2). By AugustRead MoreExternal Environment Sportswear Market2250 Words   |  9 Pagescomfortable but not sportswear. Adidas counts in its indirect competitors Zara or HM, which offer casual clothes for leisure activities. In this way, the brand experiences more and more competition. Some brands such as Gap, Esprit, Roxy, Comptoir des Cotonniers or Abercrombie and Fitch (soon available in France) develop their collection in a sportswear range. Those brands propose real â€Å"fashion-products† which are meeting customer’s needs in style and comfort. Direct competition We are workingRead MoreStrategic of HM4405 Words   |  18 Pagesfirms like HM and it represents a kind of confrontation with governments. Economic: The firm is well integrated to the global market and chooses strategic places to sell its products (big cities, malls) = In Paris, rue de Rivoli for example; and the opening of a store on the Avenue des Champs-Elysà ©es is being negotiated. The firm adapts its production to different consumers. HM offers its consumers fashion and quality at best prices. In 2007, HM has also created a new chain of stores: COS (collectionRead MoreZara vs. Uniqlo Essay6859 Words   |  28 Pagesmodel UNIQLO have been allowed achieved phenomenal growth. They have done this by †¢ †¢ Tam, Expanding operations to major cities around the globe. Mergers and Acquisitions: Over the year’s fast retailing have acquired Princess Tam. Theory and COMPTOIR DES COTONNIERS, Cabin and Gov retailing. The acquisition of Gov retailing provided UNIQLO with the know how to launch UNIQLO shoes. All the companies acquired had women as their primary market segment. (Annual report 2009) †¢ Diversifying into new products:

Tuesday, May 5, 2020

Economic Models and PED

Question: Discuss about the Economic Models and PED. Answer: Introduction: An economic model entails a simplified depiction of reality meant to provide hypotheses concerning economic behavior which can be tested (Arnold, 2013). Economists use an economic model a tool for predicting future changes in the economy. In a nutshell, economists measure past associations among variables like tax rates, consumer spending, employment, household income and interest rates and then attempt to predict how variations in some factors will influence the future trend of others (Elliott Timmermann, 2016). Although the forecast from the econometric models may not be accurate, the information yielded from these models is important to the activities and functioning of the government. Therefore, the argument that economic models are false and so government should ignore their predictions is not reasonable. Econometric makes use of mathematics, statistical inference, and economic theory to quantify an economic event. Therefore, it translates theoretical economic models into a crucial tool of policymaking that forms the basis for government operations (Hansen Sargent, 2014). For example, when formulating the monetary policy, the central bankers need to understand the possible effect of variations in the official interest rate on the Gross Domestic Product and inflation levels. In such scenarios, economic models are essential tools in availing the required background information through prediction. More importantly, the economic models build structure and eliminate unfocused thinking by compelling econometricians to formalize ideas that may be based mainly on intuition (Gillespie, 2014). Furthermore, economic models possess an abundance of predictive successes. The models are valuable tools that assist the government to examine, formulate and comprehend interactive correlations in the economy (Mankiw, 2014). The gravity model is a useful example of the model applied to the international trade to offer predictions insights. The model provides forecasts on bilateral trade flows based on economic dimensions and distance between two units. For instance, the gravity model is used to determine the impact of treaties and alliance on the trade activities. From an empirical perspective, the gravity model has been a great success. In summary, economic models may have some limitations, but that does not mean they should be ignored when making important decisions about the economy. The models provide important guidance to the operations and activities of the government (Bergeijk Brakman, 2010). Price Elasticity of Demand Price elasticity of demand is a common term used in economics when analyzing the responsiveness of price. It is a measure of the association between a variation in the amount demanded of a given commodity and a fluctuation in its price. If a small variation in the price is associated with a large change in the amount purchased, then the good is said to be elastic, that is, responsive to price variations. On the other hand, in case a significant deviation in the price is associated with a small change of quantity demanded, then the good or service is said to be inelastic (McTaggart, Findlay, Parkin, 2015). This section of the paper concentrates on the estimates of price elasticity of demand of cereals, vegetable oils, and milk. The price elasticity of demand estimates of these products is extracted from an accounting journal titled Demand Analysis for Major Consumer Commodities in Jordan. The price elasticity of demand for cereals is estimated at -0.51 (Haddad, 2013). Since this coefficient is less than one, the price elasticity of demand for cereals is said to be inelastic. Therefore, a significant change in the price of grains will result in a small shift in the cereals bought. More precisely, 1% increase in the price of grains will lead to 0.51% drop in cereals demanded by the clients. The correlation between cereals and price obeys the law of demand. Moreover, the sellers of cereals in the market can increase their revenues by raising the price because the cereals are less responsive to changes in the price. The relationship between cereals demanded, and its price shows that this product is a necessity. The grains are vital for life, and the individuals in this particular community must buy them even if the prices shoot up. P1-P2 is greater than Q1-Q2, that is, a big change in the price of cereals (P1-P2) results in a small variation in the quantity of cereals purchased (Q1-Q2) The price elasticity of demand for Vegetable oils is estimated at -0.01 (Haddad, 2013). Like the cereals, the price elasticity of vegetable oils is inelastic. However, the PED for vegetable oils is more inelastic than that of cereals. A huge deviation in the price of vegetable oils will result in a small variation in the quantity of vegetable oil demanded by this group of consumers. A 1% increase in the price of vegetable oils will cause a 0.01% decrease in vegetable oils demanded. The negative sign on the coefficient of vegetable PED exhibits that the association between vegetable oils and its price agrees with the law of demand. Likewise, the distributors of the vegetable oils can freely increase the prices to maximize their revenues since this particular product is highly irresponsive to changes in the price. The price elasticity of demand for this commodity indicates that the commodity is an essential. Whether the prices increases or drops, individuals will still buy the vegetable oil. A huge change in the price of vegetable oils (P1-P2) leads to a small change in the quantity of vegetable oil demanded (Q1-Q2). The price elasticity of milk oils is estimated at -0.06 (Haddad, 2013). This coefficient shows that the PED for this good is inelastic. Milk is highly irresponsive to price changes than the cereals. Like the other two commodities, a substantial deviation in the price of milk will cause a slight fluctuation of milk bought. A 1% increase in the price of milk will result in a 0.01% decline in the quantity of milk purchased. Since milk is highly irresponsive to price changes, the farmers can increase their revenues by raising the prices of milk. The association that exists between milk and the price clearly shows that estimate complies with economic theory. Moreover, the price elasticity of this product is determined by the necessity nature of this commodity. Consumers will continue to purchase milk even if the farmers hike the price. A large change in the price of milk (P1-P2) results in a small variation in the amount of milk purchased (Q1-Q2). References Arnold, R. A. (2013). Economics. Mason, Ohio: South-Western. Bergeijk, P. A., Brakman, S. (2010). The gravity model in international trade : advances and applications. Cambridge [u.a.]: Cambridge Univ. Press . Elliott, G., Timmermann, A. (2016). Economi forecasting. Princeton and Oxford Princeton University Press . Gillespie, A. (2014). Foundations of economics. Oxford : Oxford Univ. Press. Haddad, A. M. (2013). Demand Analysis for Major Consumer Commodities in Jordan. Journal Of Accounting, Business Management, 20(2) , 33-64. Hansen, L. P., Sargent, T. J. (2014). Uncertainty within economic models. Hackensack, New Jersey : World Scientific. Mankiw, N. G. (2014). Principles of economics. Stamford, CT : Cengage Learning. McTaggart, D., Findlay, C. C., Parkin, M. (2015). Economics. Frenchs Forest, N.S.W: Pearson.

Friday, April 10, 2020

Citizen Participation in the Budgetary Accountability

Introduction Citizens’ participation in the budgetary and financial processes is aimed at ensuring good governance, provision of public goods and general accountability1. There are three fundamental reasons behind the attempts to increase citizens’ participation in the matters of governance and policy-making.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Citizen Participation in the Budgetary Accountability specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More First, civil society and non-governmental organizations (NGO’s) are increasingly calling for the participation of the stakeholders in political matters and policy-making decisions. Citizens are clamouring for access to information and the right to participate in local and national matters. In addition, the current democratic processes demand for open governance, transparency in policy decisions and open budgetary processes2. Second, reformist lawmakers and government off icials, seeking to approve the authenticity and capability of the civil society in solving social-political and economic challenges, are increasingly supporting citizens’ participation. This is driven by both political and policy incentives. Direct subject support can give extra authenticity to help reformist governments modify budgetary needs3. Besides, coordinate investment guarantees a steady stream of data between the state agencies, natives and common society, hence lessens the cost of exchanging data.4. Reformist governments also advance participatory venues in light of the fact that this helps them to assemble a political base that may be actuated amid constituent procedures5. Last but not least, direct participation can help the policymakers monitor strategy execution at the local level, consequently improving the probability that government’s strategy changes are actualized accurately.Advertising Looking for essay on government? Let's see if we can help y ou! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More By involving citizens in the budgetary processes both at the local and national level, the government can enhance its capacity due to extra mechanism to improve accountability6. Third, global organizations, for instance, the IMF and World Bank have been advocating for increased participation of citizens in policy decisions and budgetary processes. The main reason for this is to enhance the government’s capacity, which is progressively perceived to be essential in achieving long term goals and objectives. Direct citizen participation enhances state capacity by improving the quality of inputs at the same time letting citizens to play the role of a watchdog. Worldwide associations also support direct native investment as a method of engaging the common man and creating a compact social capital. The global organizations believe that citizens and civil societies can hold the government accountable for the use of public reso urces, hence ensuring that donor funds are used for the intended purpose7. An ongoing concept that cuts across these organizations is that they are looking for ways of designing institutions that can bring the citizens together in order to take part in solving key policy issues and governance challenges. Institutional planners have made an expansive scope of rules and strategies that address an array of societal and policy issues. In each case, they are trying everything possible to ensure that the government and citizens work together for a common good8. The citizen’s participation is highly regarded not because there are benefits linked to their full participation in the local and national matters, but it is supported because their increased participation can enhance the nature of governance and the general welfare of the people.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Citizen Participation in the Budgetary Accountability specifically for you for on ly $16.05 $11/page Learn More For that reason, direct engagement of citizens is the best way of solving key policy issues and governance challenges9. Enhancing the quality of engagement is progressively entangled with attempts to advance straightforwardness in the working of governments and private sector. Transparency call for public officials to give prompt and relevant information that can be utilized by citizens and civil society10. In any case, transparency endeavours need to be connected to participation on the ground since the release of information is simply the initial step11. Direct participation is crucial since it guarantees a high level of transparency. In addition, it ensures that the criteria of choosing pertinent data and the schedule of its release are not left to the discretion of public officers. More extensively, collaboration is imperative so that the accessible data can be used to make elective arrangements and strategies. After all, lack of acce ss to vital information in the context of disinterested or detached citizens and civil society will not bring about progressed government approaches and policy solutions12. Natives and common society represent the interest side of policy deliberation. Hence, they give elective answers to approach issues. The other side is represented by policies initiated by the government and international donors aimed at solving policy challenges. The demand and supply sides are models that were adapted to fit into the field of socioeconomic development. Therefore, in the wider scope of this essay, transparency will be conceptualized as what the regime needs to provide or avail to improve accountability.Advertising Looking for essay on government? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More On the other hand, participation will be conceptualized as the activities that the citizens and civil society need to take part in so as to improve accountability13. Improved accountability calls for greater collaboration between state agencies, government officials, civil society and the general public. State authorities must be ready to permit their activities to be investigated by non-governmental organizations and civil society. Correspondingly, citizens and civil society must be prepared to dedicate their time and vitality to meticulously inspect the exercises of state.14. Accountability can be established when state departments and agencies are ready to be investigated to win public trust or gain a political mileage. In addition, governments may be ready to support transparency in those ranges where they accept that accountability would be politically beneficial, which implies that the public and civil society should put more pressure on the government to avail all the necessa ry information15. This essay will have two fundamental objectives. The first objective is to introduce a framework that can help to understand how citizens and civil society can participate in the budgetary process and other financial initiatives. The explanation behind presenting this framework is that it will explore diverse courses through which citizens and civil societies are integrated into key government decisions. The second objective is to apply it on the two countries to show how and why they have embraced diverse establishments and strategies. The second objective will attempt to establish the reasons and objectives behind the initiatives. Citizen Participation Citizens participate in a mixed bag of institutions. In law based administrations, citizens vote to choose delegates at neighbourhood, territorial, and national levels. Citizens might likewise vote in unique decisions, for example, submissions, plebiscites or reviews. In addition, citizens may influence elected lea ders by operating within certain establishments or engaging in activities such as campaigns, arranging appeal drives, and coming up with certain policy propositions. Therefore, participation is a progressing action in which residents work together to advance their interests16. As a matter of fact, there are numerous ways through which citizens can influence formal arrangements. They can make use of the institutions, court procedures and public protests to place their case on government officials. Petulant legislative issues have a tendency to be utilized more regularly by citizens who need access to open establishments or lack political representatives17. There are four principal aspects of the citizen participation process, namely: voice, scrutiny, voting and rescission. Besides the mentioned participatory venues, citizens can also utilize other venues such as, opinion through the ballot, controversial politics, campaigns and neighbourhood initiatives18. However, our emphasis will be on the ways through which citizens take part in budgetary accountability. This is represented by the four principal aspects of citizens’ participation. Voice refers to the capacity of citizens to communicate their thoughts, inclinations, and sentiments within and outside the institutions sanctioned by the government. At the highest level, citizens and civil societies can use this facet of participation to extend the scope of issues that are being tended to by the existing institutions. The issue can touch on specific policy problem. Public debates are some of the venues that can be used by citizens to express their voice. The formal gatherings permit citizens and civil societies to fortify their arrangements, as well as be incorporated in the prescribed networks19. On the other hand, scrutiny is the capacity of citizens to audit archives and data given by government institutions and agencies. These archives may incorporate policy proposals, contract negotiations, income ac cumulation, progressive execution of open work tasks, and project conclusion20. Citizens are required to have fundamental skills necessary for analysing and reporting the data provided by the government. When the citizens have the necessary skills to dissect government policies, their voice may be more focused and agenda-driven. The scrutiny procedure enables citizens to link up with the government and its partners on specific issues touching on government recommendations21. In some cases, citizens are given liberty to vote for government policy proposals. The votes can either be binding or consultative. A binding vote can either rebuff or approve policy proposals and, therefore, is the most powerful form of vote. A binding vote provides execution powers. On the contrary, a consultative vote is simply an opinion over the general proposed policy. It does not warrant a direct action. However, it can have a considerable impact on policy decisions, especially when the voting process is sanctioned by the government. Both binding and consultative vote calls for an establishment that can help in building residents’ voice and verifying techniques. Citizens and civil societies can be able to practice more robust, and informed voting only when the aforementioned condition is met22. Citizens and civil society can have the power to rescind government proposals, annual reports and audit reports. This power is a kind of vote, yet is different on the grounds that citizens and civil society are not voting in favour of particular strategy recommendations, but are dismissing government projects and operations. This is like the presidential veto, where the head of state can rebuff enactment of particular laws or policies. This kind of power clearly expands on voice and scrutiny. Citizens and civil society can make more use of this power to comprehend government policy proposals or activities. Veto power and voice can be useful in generating support both within and outside the public domain23. In entirety, the four aspects of participation offer a means to evaluate how public institutions engage citizens and civil societies in the budgetary and fiscal processes. Citizens and civil societies have different powers in these institutions. Sometimes, citizens have the power to articulate their views and concerns, which is a vital development. In other cases, citizens are more involved in the implementation and monitoring process, which is likewise an imperative development. The four aspects of participation are the best examples of how the government, citizens and civil society interact or engage each other in matters of public interest24. The Civil Society The civil society is normally comprised of ordinary citizens, community heads, institutions that represent the people, professionals from different fields, socio-political movements, and non-administrative associations among others. These groups are very different from government officials. They have d iverse forms of authority, which is associated with their expertise and moral basis of their claims25. A standout amongst the most widely recognized political inquiries in participatory foundations is â€Å"who are the genuine representatives of civil society?†. There is no simple answer to this question due to the diverse nature of civil society. Governments planning to create new institutions for engaging citizens need to place this question at the beginning of every dialogue as they create new establishments. As the administration tries to fabricate new establishments, it must address the following issues that have been with us since time immemorial: Should choices be in light of the tenet of the lion’s share? In what manner can the enthusiasm of the minorities, be dealt with? Should engagement be in light of individual or gathering premise? What are the essential skills required in order to participate in the decision-making process? When should the participating i nstitutions concede to the opinions of experts or leaders? Do citizens have the power to sanction or reject government initiatives? Assuming this is the case, do these powers have a limit? Common citizens are most likely to be included in decisions made at local or sub-national level due to their broad knowledge of local affairs, but limited skills. They can help public officials make informed decisions when allocating local resources. Some of the initiatives sanctioned by the government to expand citizen participation include annual budget conference and communal projects. The mobilization can be done by community heads26. At the national level, more emphasis is placed on individuals with legal or technical expertise. As a result, these individuals are always involved directly in the budget implementation and monitoring process. They can participate in the budgetary process in two ways. First, they can take part in the local discussions, but their proposals and interests are transf erred to the national summit. Second, they can articulate their ideas and interests in extremely wide terms, enabling them to be supportive of the general arrangement. Nevertheless, there can be a huge difference in the sort of voice exercised by citizens, from voting on the choice of particular items to general items that are of priority. The civil society and organizations representing the will and interests of the people normally take part directly in national-level policies and budget talks. Individual citizens are less likely to take part in national-level debates, but can take part in countrywide processes27. Case Studies Many regimes now engage nationals in policy decisions. To understand how governments engage their citizens in policy decisions, we will carry out a case study of two countries. In this case, the two nations are Brazil and Philippines. The selection of the two cases has turned out to be very fruitful since the two nations are currently using a wide range of pr ograms to enhance transparency, involvement and accountability. It is important to note that Brazil and Philippines are on the excellent path of reform, and this will help in comprehending the conceivable outcomes and parameters of progress. There are a number of significant similarities among the two nations that will be of great help in explaining why the two governments are increasing citizen participation and encouraging transparency. Each of them had a tyrant administration from 1960s to 1980s. They swung to law based governance in the late 1980s and have remained so until now. Moreover, the two nations have seen the resurrection of non-state actors, proclamation of the new constitution and advancement of devolution. Brazil: Citizen Participation in the Budgetary Accountability Major reforms in Brazil started with President Cradoso who expanded Brazil’s capacity to promote transparency and accountability through mass participation. He began by building institutions, priv atising state-owned companies and demanding a thorough clean up in the public sector. He also introduced the fiscal responsibility law, which provided a framework of spending government resources and mechanism for guaranteeing budgetary transparency28. In the past three decades, the country has expanded a number of participatory venues, which allows citizens to take part in an array of policymaking decisions. There are four fundamental institutions that permit citizens to take part in the budgetary process. These institutions include Public Policy Management Councils (PPMCs), Public Policy Conferences (PPC), Pluriannual Budget Planning (PBP), and Participatory Budgeting (PB). PPMC, PPC and PBP are embraced from the local to national level. However, PB is only adopted at the municipal level29. Participatory budgeting is a year-long process that brings together municipal official and citizens to decide over capital spending on the current and future projects. PB has been adopted by nu merous municipalities and participants are mainly volunteers. The table below demonstrates PB programs between 1989 and 2012 in municipalities with over 50 thousand inhabitants. Over 50 percent of the PB cases were managed by workers unions, which highlight the role of politics in the adoption of PB. As a matter of fact, PB has attracted very many youths into political positions30. As already been mentioned, PPMCs are established at all levels of the government. Currently, the country has approximately 70000 councils at the district level. Generally, the council’s top seats are shared equally between the state and non-state actors. The council has the power to sanction or reject the budgetary process through a vote and, therefore, it has the veto power. Truth be told, PPMCs is being utilized as a condition by the administration for disbursing national resources. 31. The table below shows the explosion of PPMCS in the last decades. The increase in the number of councils is ma inly attributed to the federal government that had made it mandatory for all public institutions and organizations to have a management council. However, some public institutions and organizations adopted it voluntarily32. Pluriannual Budget Planning (PBP) is a national level budgetary planning process introduced by President Lula da Silva. This was after a number of reports showed that the country had heavily invested in sub-national level programs and was lacking in national-level programs. Pluriannual Budget Planning, which is conducted yearly, was premised on the PPMCs’ model. The ministry of planning is tasked with the responsibility of providing all the pertinent data. It comprises of representatives from different sectors, including the civil society, private sector and state officials. The participants are directly involved in the budgetary process. However, there is no information accessible to recommend that the arrangements are actualized by the government33. Publ ic Policy Conferences (PPC) also known as the national policy conferences attract millions of participants. In the last 75 conferences, it has attracted more than 8 million participants. These conferences have given millions of Brazilians a platform to participate in the policymaking decisions. These conferences focus on a wide range of subjects, including transparency and social control, federal budgetary processes, human rights and many more. Nevertheless, the country’s expansive federal states make it very hard to establish the level of transparency and accountability in the public sector. However, the country‘s emphasis is to incorporate as many citizens in the budgetary accountability and transparency programs34. Philippines: Citizen Participation in the Budgetary Accountability Philippine is one of the countries with the greatest devotion in advancing citizen participation and transparency. The current president’s campaign platform was to stop corruption an d destitution. By associating corruption to all the problems facing the country, he drew attention to all the fundamental subjects of governance. Therefore, the core agenda of the current regime is tackling corruption, especially in the public sector. Importantly, the core elements of enhancing the quality of governance include direct engagement and giving more power to the citizens. Besides eliminating corruption in the public sector, the country’s reform agenda include establishments of new institutions that will generate new prospects to alter the pattern of public expenditure and ensure transparency and accountability35. Due to lack of high level state capacity and pervasive civil society as witnessed in Brazil, the Philippines used a diverse participatory strategy. They are less likely to adopt citizen-based strategies used in Brazil due to the disintegration of its social fabric and low capacity of its citizens. As a result, they are mixing citizen-based strategies, usu ally at the sub-national level, with extensive engagement of civil societies36. The deliberate efforts of the Philippines government to increase citizens’ participation in the budgetary process and ensure accountability in the public sector include National Fund for Participatory Governance, Base-Up Budgeting, Budget Partnership Accord, Complete Disclosure Strategy, and Citizen Engagement Review37. Base-Up Budgeting was borrowed from Latin America. It involves engaging rural community movements and individual citizens in determining funds to be allocated at the local level. This leads to the creation of a local poverty reduction team to implement and monitor funded projects. The team comprises of the communal chiefs, state representatives and common organizations. Base-Up approach targets poor communities. As of 2013, more than 1100 poor municipal communities had adopted the approach with the government allocating in excess of $190 million for the projects38. Budget Partnersh ip Accord brings together agencies and the civil society in the preparation of the budget. This allows the government and the civil society to work closely in identifying priority projects. The civil society is also involved in the implementation process. Base-Up Budgeting and Budget Partnership Accord have been commended by the international community as the best methods of empowering citizens39. National Fund is a stipend given by the Treasury to non-state actors to bolster cooperation of subjects and the administration in national matters. As a result, the civil society acts as intermediate finance managers40. On the other hand, Complete Disclosure Strategy is a reward system exemplifying all facets of accountability and transparency at the local government units. It requires full disclosure of information to the public. In order to advance this, the administration has dispatched an online entry where all the administrative data can be accessed by the citizens. 41. To wrap things up, the Citizen Engagement Review is an institutional body that unites intrigued nationals and state authorities. This body enhances access to government information necessary for the implementation and evaluation of the budget process42. Comparing and evaluating the two cases The programs aimed at increasing citizens’ participation in governance and accountability in the Philippines have created two changes. First, more citizens are joining state-approved institutions to play some part in governance and decision making. Second, the government has increased the number participatory institutions to promote citizen’s participation in the local and national affairs, particularly in the budgeting and fiscal processes. However, in comparison to Brazil, Philippine is still lagging behind with respect to structural foundations that support citizens’ participation and accountability. This means the country is more likely to make significant policy changes in the near f uture. The disparity is attributed to the fact that the Brazil’s reform process started like three decades ago, whereas the Philippines process has only lasted a decade. In addition, Philippines lack high level state capacity and pervasive civil society. Lastly, the country is less reliant on experts owing to the fact that the government’s main agenda is citizen empowerment. As a result, it employs mixed strategies that incorporate citizens at the sub-national level and civil societies at the highest level. Conclusion From the analysis of the two countries, it is apparent that four facets affect citizen’s participation in the budgetary process. The first factor is the political will of the existing regime. The second factor is the organization of the civil society. The third factor is the state’s capacity. The last factor is the path of policy reforms. Citizens and the civil society can either support or challenge government decisions. As a result, citize ns and civil society can work together with the government, but also hold it to account for public resources. The citizen participation process is based on four principal aspects, namely: voice, scrutiny, voting and rescission. The Brazilian process incorporates all the four aspects. However, the Philippines do not have the veto power. Nevertheless, whatever the methodology utilized, the fundamental target is to expand resident support and enhance straightforwardness and responsibility. The participatory initiatives in Brazil and Philippines are mainly driven by politics and reform agenda. Even though non-state actors have played a role in pushing the two governments to expand citizen participation, there is no evidence to suggest that they have been pushed by international organizations. Bibliography Alt, J. E. Lassen, D., ‘Transparency, Political Polarization, and Political Budget Cycles in OECD Countries’, American Journal of Political Science, vol. 50, no. 3, 2006, pp. 530–50. Avritzer, L., Democracy and the Public Space in Latin America, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 2002. Carltz, R., Improving Transparency and Accountability in the Budget Process: An Assessment of Recent Initiatives, University of California, Los Angeles, 2013. de Renzio, P. Masud, H., ‘Measuring and Promoting Budget Transparency: The Open Budget Index as a Research and Advocacy Tool’, Governance, vol. 24, no. 3, 2011, pp. 607–16. de Renzio, P. Angemi, D., ‘Comrades or Culprits? Donor Engagement and Budget Transparency in Aid-Dependent Countries’, Public Administration and Development, vol. 32, no. 2, 2011, pp.167–80. Ferraz, C. Finan, F., ‘Exposing Corrupt Politicians: The Effects of Brazil’s Publicly Released Audits on Electoral Outcomes’, Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol.123, no. 2, 2012, pp. 703–45. Fung, A., Mary, G. David, W., Full Disclosure: The Perils and Promise of Transparen cy, Cambridge University Press, 2007. Gianpaolo, B., Heller, P. Silva, M., Bootstrapping Democracy: Transforming Local Governance and Civil Society in Brazil, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 2011. Hunter, W., ‘The Normalization of an Anomaly: The Workers’ Party in Brazil’,  World Politics, vol. 59, 2007, pp.440–75. IMF, Code of Good Practices on Fiscal Transparency, International Monetary Fund, Washington, 2007. Magno, F., Country Report: The Philippines, Global Initiative for Fiscal Transparency, 2013. McNulty, S., Voice and Vote: Decentralization and Participation in Post-Fujimori Peru, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 2011. Montero, A. P. David, J.S., Decentralization and Democracy in Latin America, University of Notre Dame Press, Notre Dame, 2004. Wampler, B., Participatory Budgeting in Brazil: Contestation, Cooperation, and Accountability, Pennsylvania State University Press, Pennsylvania, 2007. Wampler, B., Participation, Transparency an d Accountability, Global Initiative for Fiscal Transparency, 2013. Footnotes 1 J. E. Alt D. Lassen, ‘Transparency, Political Polarization, and Political Budget Cycles in OECD Countries’, American Journal of Political Science, vol. 50, no. 3, 2006, p. 531. 2 B. Gianpaolo, P. Heller M. Silva, Bootstrapping Democracy: Transforming Local Governance and Civil Society in Brazil, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 2011, p. 5. 3 R. Carltz, Improving Transparency and Accountability in the Budget Process: An Assessment of Recent Initiatives, University of California, Los Angeles, 2013, p. 28. 4 Carltz, p. 32. 5 Alt Lassen, p. 541. 6 P. de Renzio H. Masud, ‘Measuring and Promoting Budget Transparency: The Open Budget Index as a Research and Advocacy Tool’, Governance, vol. 24, no. 3, 2011, p. 609. 7 P. de Renzio D. Angemi, ‘Comrades or Culprits? Donor Engagement and Budget Transparency in Aid-Dependent Countries’, Public Administration and Developm ent, vol. 32, no. 2, 2012, pp.170. 8 IMF, Code of Good Practices on Fiscal Transparency, International Monetary Fund, Washington, 2007, p. 13. 9 B. Wampler, Participation, Transparency and Accountability, Global Initiative for Fiscal Transparency, 2013, p. 98. 10 L. Avritzer, Democracy and the Public Space in Latin America, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 2002, p.11. 11 Ibid. 12 Carltz, p. 35. 13 Ibid. 14C. Ferraz F. Finan, Exposing Corrupt Politicians: The Effects of Brazil’s Publicly Released Audits on Electoral Outcomes’, Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol.123, no. 2, 2008, p. 707. 15 W. Hunter, ‘The Normalization of an Anomaly: The Workers’ Party in Brazil’, World Politics, vol. 59, 2007, p.453. 16 A.P. Montero J.S. David, Decentralization and Democracy in Latin America, University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, Press, 2004, p.7. 17 B. Wampler, Participation, Transparency and Accountability, Global Initiative for Fiscal Transparency, 2013, p. 102. 18 S. McNulty, Voice and Vote: Decentralization and Participation in Post-Fujimori Peru, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 2011, p.6. 19 McNulty, p. 8. 20 Ibid. 21 McNulty, p. 9. 22 Ibid. 23 B.Wampler, Participatory Budgeting in Brazil: Contestation, Cooperation, and Accountability, State University Press, Pennsylvania, 2007, p. 28. 24 Wampler, p.30. 25 Gianpaolo, Heller Silva, p. 7. 26 Ibid. 27 Gianpaolo, Heller Silva, p. 10. 28 B. Wampler, Participatory Budgeting in Brazil: Contestation, Cooperation, and Accountability, State University Press, Pennsylvania, 2007, p. 19. 29 Wampler, p. 20. 30 Wampler, p. 21. 31 Gianpaolo, Heller Silva, p. 65. 32 Gianpaolo, Heller Silva, p. 67. 33 Wampler, p. 106. 34 Wampler, p. 107. 35 F. Magno, Country Report: The Philippines, Global Initiative for Fiscal Transparency, 2013, p. 3. 36 Magno, p. 4. 37 Wampler, p. 113. 38 Wampler, p. 114. 39 Magno, p. 4. 40 Wampler, p. 115. 41 A. Fung, Mary David, Full Disclosure: The Perils and Prom ise of Transparency, Cambridge University Press, 2007, p. 7. 42 Wampler, p. 116. This essay on Citizen Participation in the Budgetary Accountability was written and submitted by user Carissa E. to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

Monday, March 9, 2020

Free Essays on Heroic Warriors

Homer’s great epic poems, The Iliad and The Odyssey, tell different parts of a single epic cycle about Greek military expedition to the distant city of Troy, the war with the Trojans, and the return of the heroes to their cities and kingdoms. In this paper I will discuss the heroic masculinity in Homer. I will also answer the following questions: Do men make themselves by fighting with one another? How do women figure into these fights between men? Do men compete with one another by using women? And what kinds of power do women have in relationships between men? Homer describes heroic masculinity by the willingness of men to fight in the war. According to Homer, you are considered a coward if you do not fight, yet you are considered honorable if you do fight in the war. In The Iliad, Paris is not considered the best of men because he is lowering himself because of the war. The reasoning of the war is because Paris was bribed by Aphrodite, who wanted to be the most beautiful woman in the war, and promised Paris that he could have Menelaus’ wife Helen. Because Paris gave Aphrodite her wish, she gave him Helen. Paris is a coward because he isn’t fighting in the war that is considered to be his fault. Instead he is spending time with Helen. How can a soldier be heroic if he isn’t willing to fight for what he wants? Throughout the entire poem, Homer endorses that war makes men. Yet only â€Å"warriors† such as Achilles and Agamemnon are the heroic men. It seems that soldiers are only heroic if they were predestined to become great warriors. Many wonder if men make themselves by fighting with other men. In many ways it seems that you are only a man by killing other men. Once they enter the war and fight and kill other soldiers, it makes them have masculine honor. In some cases I feel that isn’t true. In The Iliad two soldiers, Glaukos and Diomedes, have masculine honor between one another... Free Essays on Heroic Warriors Free Essays on Heroic Warriors Homer’s great epic poems, The Iliad and The Odyssey, tell different parts of a single epic cycle about Greek military expedition to the distant city of Troy, the war with the Trojans, and the return of the heroes to their cities and kingdoms. In this paper I will discuss the heroic masculinity in Homer. I will also answer the following questions: Do men make themselves by fighting with one another? How do women figure into these fights between men? Do men compete with one another by using women? And what kinds of power do women have in relationships between men? Homer describes heroic masculinity by the willingness of men to fight in the war. According to Homer, you are considered a coward if you do not fight, yet you are considered honorable if you do fight in the war. In The Iliad, Paris is not considered the best of men because he is lowering himself because of the war. The reasoning of the war is because Paris was bribed by Aphrodite, who wanted to be the most beautiful woman in the war, and promised Paris that he could have Menelaus’ wife Helen. Because Paris gave Aphrodite her wish, she gave him Helen. Paris is a coward because he isn’t fighting in the war that is considered to be his fault. Instead he is spending time with Helen. How can a soldier be heroic if he isn’t willing to fight for what he wants? Throughout the entire poem, Homer endorses that war makes men. Yet only â€Å"warriors† such as Achilles and Agamemnon are the heroic men. It seems that soldiers are only heroic if they were predestined to become great warriors. Many wonder if men make themselves by fighting with other men. In many ways it seems that you are only a man by killing other men. Once they enter the war and fight and kill other soldiers, it makes them have masculine honor. In some cases I feel that isn’t true. In The Iliad two soldiers, Glaukos and Diomedes, have masculine honor between one another...

Saturday, February 22, 2020

Cost Drivers Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Cost Drivers - Essay Example Finally, cost drivers includes hours of time, number of employees, number of setups, number of wheel, number of enquiries, number of products produced, number of machines maintained, and number of hours of supervision. Cost behaviour normally relate to various activities as well as the consumption of resources ((Hansen et al. 2009). Such resources have costs which are either fixed and do not vary directly with resource usage in the short run or variable and varies in direct proportion to the resource consumption. Activities usually consume resources and the costs of such resources often follow various behavioural patterns (Needles et al. 2010). Since, the supervisors spend an equal amount of time with each employee they supervise, the costs associated with it are fixed, and they do not vary directly with resource usage. Since the building is allocated based on square footage, the costs are variable. There is a direct correlation between amount of space used and the rent. There is also a direct correlation between the Energy or electric power consumed and the number of units produced (Needles et al. 2010). In terms of labour, the costs are variable as they change in direct proportion to the number of units produced. The cost of equipment is fixed and does not vary directly to the units produced. The cost of materials varies in direct proportion to the number of units produced. There is an indirect relationship between amount of supplies and production time. The costs therefore vary in direct proportion to the resource consumption ((Hansen et al.